
Former Liberal MP and vile anti-Semite conspiracy theorist Ken Aldred has been astonishingly preselected by the Victorian Liberals for the marginal seat of Holt.
Aldred won a tight contest, defeating former Knox councillor and evangelical Christian from the Kroger/Costello grouping Emanuele Cicchiello by two votes by the Liberal preselection process which comprises 60% local preselectors and 40% central which are randomly selected from State Council members.
Ken Aldred is believed to be closely associated with weirdo Lyndon Larouche whose Australian franchise is called the Citizens Electoral Council. They reputedly met in February 1993 at the Larouche compound.
ANTI-SEMITE SELECTED
Armed with forgeries provided by the Larouche organisation, Aldred made a spectacular Parliamentary attack on prominent Jewish leader and Mark Leibler in Parliament in 1995 which made some outrageous and obviously false claims namely that:
■ He was a Mossad agent
■ He was guilty of money laundering
■ He was guilty of espionage and
■ He was in league with or receiving funds from drug traffickers in Suriname.
To take a step into insanity click here for the link.
Aldred has been condemned by the B'nai B'rith Anti Defamation League as an example of anti-semite lunacy.
He has been slammed by the Australia/israel Jewish Affairs Council over his appalling activities and his acting in concert with one of Australia's most infamous race-hate organisations:
In 1995, Ken Aldred stood up in federal Parliament and read into the record forged documents defaming Mr Leibler. An investigation by the Review and detailed inquiries by the Australian Federal Police revealed that the documents Mr Aldred had tabled were indeed forgeries aimed at smearing Mr Leibler and then Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs, Michael Costello. The Review’s then editor, Michael Kapel, carried out an extensive investigation into the activities of the Citizens Electoral Council in Australia. The special report published in June 1996, revealed that the CEC was involved in spying on the Jewish community, harassment, mistreatment of its own members, defrauding of vulnerable citizens and abusing of Australian democracy. The ABC’s Four Corners program on 24 June 1996 also exposed the CEC’s use of racial vilification, smear campaigns and other criminal activities against innocent Australians.
It will no doubt cause Liberal donor Mark Leibler understandable and considerable concern if Ken Aldred is pictured alongside supposed supporter of the Jewish community, the Prime Minister John Howard on thousands of How To Vote cards throughout the Holt electorate.
Indeed, this is no mere local rebellion with his daughter Mary (understood not to share his extremist views) working as a Ministerial staffer in the Howard government and wielding considerable clout in the Victorian division as a "multiple recruiter" par excellence.
The OC understands she did not think his candidacy was a good idea. Nor do we. The PM should take decisive measures to boot him out.
The Admin Committee of the Victorian division must formally ratify his candidacy. Ordinarily this is just a formality. In this case, Aldred is no ordinary candidate, he is a disgrace who cannot be tolerated within any party in the mainstream of party politics.
So patriots fully comprehend the enormity of this clown's loopiness we provide for your amusement just one of his speeches which - based entirely on documents found to be forgeries - makes a plethora of false claims:
05 June, 1995 Mr ALDRED (Deakin) (1.44 p.m.) —In this debate on the Appropriation Bill (No. 1) 1995-96, which covers the administration of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, I wish to bring to the attention of the House, through this Main Committee, a matter of national importance. I refer to the provision of secret funds paid by D. Toemin, Special Officer of the Embassy of the Republic of Suriname located in the Hague in the Netherlands. I will read the full text of the letter, which is marked `Deliver by hand' covering this transaction which is on the official letterhead of the Ambassador of the Republic of Suriname. The letter is as follows:
Ambassade van de Republiek Suriname
Alexander Gogelweg 2
2517 JH Den Haag
Tel: 070-650844
Cable: Suramb
Telex: 32220 Amsur NL
The letter has the word `VERZONDEN' marked on the top-right hand corner. It continues:
Uw kenmerk Uw brief van Ons kenmerk
Your reference PAR 67 Your letter dated OCT 1991 Our reference DESI 7
DEN HAAG. nov. 1991
Bijilage(n)
Enclosure(s)
Onderwerp Political payment
Subject ex Indonesia
EXCELLENCY!
We hereby convey a security case containing six hundred and fourty thousand United States Dollars******* (US$ 640.000.) as agreed with agent Mark Leibler.
The above mentioned funds should be distributed according to the schedules held by your Excellency.
Please sign the second letterhead copy and hand this personally to one of the two authorised Mossad agents
RECEIVED ABOVE FUNDS:
D. Toemin
Special Officer
I hold two copies of this letter, which are identical in all respects except one. Copy 4 has no signature against the notation, `Received above funds', whilst against this notation on copy 2 there appears the signature of Mr Michael J Costello. The letter is also addressed to `Micael J. Costello esq., CBRR-7842-3988-AS, Australia'. This would appear to be a location code for Mr Costello at a Canberra address. It is the same on both copy 2 and copy 4 of the letter.
I especially draw the attention of the House through this Main Committee to the signature of Michael Costello on the letter, which is identical to the signature block applied on pages iv, 208 and 261 of the annual report of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade for 1992-1993, placed on those pages in his official capacity as present secretary to the department.
Independent forensic tests by a recognised expert in this field reveal that not only are all these signatures identical, but also that there is no indication of document interference. Even if the signature block was applied by an unauthorised person to the Suriname letter, its presence must still be explained.
This particular signature block of Mr Costello—there are others—has been available for some years. In addition, further tests by an experienced microscopist show that both copies 2 and 4 of the Suriname letter are of the same paper, type and weight. It is worth noting that Mr Costello was overseas during the periods 16 to 26 October and 20 to 21 November 1991, which correlate with the October and November 1991 dates shown on the letter. According to the official visits record of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, he was the deputy secretary in 1991. During that year, he visited Chile in South America. Previously, again as the deputy secretary to the department, he had visited Brazil in 1989.
Noticeable too are the four security identification points placed in an identical or rectangular position on the top left-hand side of each copy of the letter. The intriguing references in this letter are `VERZONDEN' stamped on the letter, meaning to send or dispatch, and the word `Desi 7' may well refer to a correspondence series in relation to Suriname's former military strongman, who is still the central figure in Suriname's drug trade, Lieutenant Colonel Desi Bouterse.
Suriname is a small, remote country on the north-east coast of South America, with a population of over 400,000. The population includes many ethnic groupings descended from slaves, who were brought to Suriname by the former Dutch rulers from Africa, India and Indonesia. The capital of Suriname is Paramaribo, which may well relate to the reference `PAR 67' on each copy of the letter. Suriname is such a small country that there is no Australian diplomatic post there, although the Australian High Commission at Bridgetown in Barbados has a visiting, reporting and consular responsibility for Suriname.
It is Suriname's status as a drug source, a distribution country, which has been of particular concern to Dutch and US authorities. Over the last decade Suriname has also become notorious as a transit country for drug trafficking from Colombia and as a centre for cocaine production for Europe—in particular the Netherlands—and the United States.
In 1991 the US Drug Enforcement Administration, the DEA, visited Suriname to investigate drug trafficking. Over the last two years, the DEA has run a vigorous anti-narcotics program, in conjunction with the new government of Suriname, installed in 1991. The program includes the training of police, customs and military police officers to foster better cooperation among those services.
The key figure in Surinese politics is Lieutenant Colonel Desi Bouterse. As a sergeant major, he seized power in 1980, and ruled from 1980 to 1988. In this period he sought to align Suriname with Libya, Cuba and Grenada. After the invasion of Grenada by the United States in 1983, Bouterse turned to civilian rule, although he maintained the constitutional right to intervene in political affairs.
In 1986 Bouterse allegedly deposited several million dollars in the notorious and now defunct BCCI Bank in Miami. A contract written in Dutch and signed by Hank Goedschalk, the then governor of the Suriname Central Bank and a close associate of Bouterse, called for the Camari Corporation, based in the Netherlands Antilles, to lend the Surinese government $US200 million in cash. In the same year, 1991, the Dutch foreign intelligence agency, the IDB and the Dutch intelligence agency, the BVD, began investigating drug trafficking, especially cocaine coming from Colombia to Suriname and going on to Holland and the United States.
In 1986 Bouterse's right-hand man, Captain Etienne Boerenveen, was sentenced to 12 years in prison for conspiring to use Suriname's air fields as bases for exporting cocaine to the United States. According to intelligence reports, Bouterse paid $US600,000 for Boerenveen's defence.
One of the partners in the conspiracy claimed that Bouterse and Boerenveen intended to channel the profits into the country's economy and split the balance. Boerenveen was sentenced to 12 years in prison and released early in 1991. On his release, he was promoted by Bouterse from captain to commandant and appointed commander of the military police and central intelligence services of Suriname's armed forces. In 1990, the Netherlands, faced with a growing drug problem arising from drugs from Suriname, expelled two diplomats, who had ties to Bouterse, for drug related activities.
Desi Bouterse resigned as Suriname's army chief in November 1992. He established himself as an international businessman and went on to form the National Democratic Party, the NDP. Despite his formal departure from the military, Bouterse has maintained a well-armed private army and still has a significant number of sympathisers in the armed forces.
As head of the NDP, Bouterse has used his position to run a populist campaign against the unpopular economic austerity programs foisted on President Ronald Venetiaan by the IMF and the World Bank. His political rhetoric is characterised by a `narco-nationalist' style, mainly directed against the Dutch. Regrettably, Bouterse has indeed increased his power after the death, in December 1993, of Pablo Escobar Gaviria, who was the head of Colombia's notorious Medellin cartel.
The political power base of Bouterse is not to be underestimated. His money, which is derived from the drug trade, keeps many followers loyal, especially in the local police force. The Medellin cartel was already in decline prior to Escobar's death. Its operations have diminished or collapsed into the business network of the Cali cartel. Escobar had been a regular visitor to Suriname from 1987 to 1989, and there were several meetings between Bouterse and Escobar. Bouterse continues to control the jungle infrastructure which facilitates the transhipment of narcotics.
Etienne Boerenveen, Bouterse's previously referred to right-hand man, is still currently a senior adviser to the defence ministry. After serving out his prison sentence in Miami, Boerenveen had no trouble re-entering Suriname's military structure. In effect, he is the day-to-day liaison for Bouterse to the armed forces brass, though in fairness it must be said that not everyone in the Suriname military is corrupt.
According to the 1994 US Department of State Report on international strategy to combat narcotics trafficking, Suriname is not itself a money laundering centre. The report states:
The non-convertibility of Suriname's currency and its limited financial market steer money launderers elsewhere.
Although Suriname is remote from financial scrutiny, its banking system does have representatives abroad. Due to its status as a former Dutch colony, it has links to both the Netherlands and Indonesia. In fact, those of Javanese descent make up over 16 per cent of the population.
Significantly, Dutch investigators have established leads that Bouterse's gang has tied up with a similar network of Indonesian military officers. The major lead is the NV Musa Indo-Suriname investment group, which in August 1993 asked President Venetiaan if it could buy the rights to Suriname's trees. It was eventually granted 375,000 acres near the Guyana border, where Bouterse allegedly plays a major role.
Bearing these comments about Desi Bouterse, his associates and networks in mind, I turn now to the documents I am specifically dealing with today. In this context, the following questions arise. First, why is Mr Mark Leibler, a prominent Melbourne tax lawyer who at one stage served on three separate advisory committees to the Commissioner of Taxation and who was a major witness before the Public Accounts Committee inquiry into the Australian Taxation Office which took place from 1991 to 93, acting as an agent in a major financial transaction involving the Israeli intelligence service, the Mossad, and the Secretary to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Mr Michael Costello?
Second, what is the `distribution schedule' held by Mr Costello and referred to in the two copies of the letter, and who is on it? Third, was any of the $US640,000 paid to Mr Costello for his personal use, and if so, why? Fourth, was any of the $US640,000 paid to Mr Costello acting as an agent for the Labor Party for election or other purposes? Fifth, and alternatively, was any of this money paid to Mr Costello for services rendered to any foreign government or foreign intelligence service? Sixth, was any of the money derived from the proceeds of crime, most especially drug trafficking, as Suriname is well known as a drug source? Finally, is the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade aware of the involvement of his permanent head in this transaction, and if not, why not?
The Australian of 10 August 1993 described Mr Costello as an `unusual diplomat'. He certainly is. He is allegedly the architect of the unfulfilled Cambodian peace plan, yet he has served only 3 1/2 years abroad as a diplomat. Costello has no experience in Cambodian affairs and has not lived in Asia. He speaks no Asian language. The Australian of 26 January 1990 cited a journalist as commenting:
He [Costello] is Asia illiterate. And yet he is supposed to bring peace to Cambodia. I find it very odd.'
Indeed. The truth is that Mr Costello is a monument to mafia mateship. The government's reaction to the public disclosure of Costello's relationship with Valeriy Zemskov, an officer of the KGB's elite special reserve, with whom Costello shared many long lunches, dinners and animated conversations, was a typical case of mafia mateship. The government reached for the whitewash brush to paint over the truth of the Costello-Zemskov relationship, yet a cabinet in-confidence minute to the then foreign minister, Mr Hayden, of 11 March 1986, clearly showed that MI5 had warned ASIO of Zemskov's real status in January 1985.
Since Costello's unprecedented promotion to the position of secretary, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has leaked so much it is in danger of becoming incontinent. In the second half of 1994, we saw the leaking of the most sensitive Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade documents in relation to the Cambodia crisis. Costello himself has been suspected and interviewed, on previous occasions, by the Australian Federal Police in relation to the disclosure of official information.
ASIO and ASIS have undergone serious inquiries and reports of both inquiries are most disturbing. It has long been suspected that the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade should also be the subject of an inquiry. It is highly unlikely that any inquiry could be conducted as long as Mr Costello remained secretary to the department.
I emphasise that I am seeking to table these documents in the national interest. There are many fine people in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade who serve Australia's interests well, at home and abroad. They have a right to know the truth about their departmental head. The Australian people have a right to know the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.
The minimal response the government should make is to ensure that Mr Costello is immediately stood down as the Secretary to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, pending non-partisan investigation into the serious issues I have raised today. To assist in this process, I am sending the Hansard record of this speech to the Commissioner of the Australian Federal Police. In respect of Mr Costello himself, I expect a comprehensive explanation, not the waving of his `good behaviour' plaque from certain ASIO officers.
Full and proper investigation of serious issues of national concern such as this—not government attempts to close off debate and curb press freedom by gaoling journalists, as we are witnessing, for instance, in respect of the proposed ASIS legislation—is essential. This will be difficult for the government to do on this issue, as I will have much more to reveal at a later date.
In conclusion, I seek leave to table the two copies of the letter I referred to earlier in this speech.
Leave not granted.
Game on.
Click here to Read More on this post...
Click here to display headline summary only...